Skip to content
1981
Volume 5, Issue 1
  • ISSN: 2632-5853
  • E-ISSN: 2632-5861

Abstract

The Ethiopian government has been struggling to regulate online content due to the decentralized nature of the internet. However, during protests, Ethiopians used information and communication technologies (ICTs) to organize grassroots political movements, ultimately leading to significant government reforms in April 2018. Despite this progress, social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have been used to spread false information campaigns, targeting young, educated and tech-savvy Ethiopians who have used social media to become political players and grassroots activists, with positive and negative results. One such instance was on 23 October 2019, when Jawar Mohammed, a US political activist of Ethiopian origin, posted on Facebook to his over 1.76 million followers that Ethiopian security forces were plotting to attack him. This caused violent protests by his supporters, leading to the deaths of 86 Ethiopians. The Ethiopian cabinet drafted a law against online hate speech on 9 November to address the situation. To investigate the impact of social media activism on democracy in Ethiopia, this article analysed the Facebook posts of three Ethiopian activists residing in the American Diaspora from 23 October to 9 November 2019. The study employed Treem et al.’s three-dimensional framework for a theory of communication visibility and Van Dijk and Hacker’s definition of digital democracy as theoretical frameworks. Based on the research, social media activism has complex dynamics on democracy in Ethiopia, and it has become clear that misinformation and hate speech can quickly spread through social media, leading to devastating consequences. Therefore, we recommend that policy-makers form and implement comprehensive and effective policies to tackle online hate speech and ensure that social media platforms are not used to spread misinformation. By analysing media frames activists use, policy-makers can develop targeted interventions to help mitigate social media activism’s impact on Ethiopians.

Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.1386/gdm_00045_1
2025-03-05
2026-04-22

Metrics

Loading full text...

Full text loading...

References

  1. Al-Jazeera (2019), ‘Abiy: “we have to stop forces who try to pull us back”’, 4 November, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/11/4/ethiopias-abiy-says-protests-death-toll-rises-to-86. Accessed 21 January 2025.
  2. Ayalew, Y. E. (2019), ‘The Internet shutdown muzzle (s) freedom of expression in Ethiopia: competing narratives’, Information & Communications Technology Law, 28:2, pp. 20824.
    [Google Scholar]
  3. Bregman, A. and Haythornwaite, C. (2001), ‘Radicals of presentation in persistent conversation’, in Proceedings of the 34th Annual Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 6 January, Maui, HI: IEEE, p. 10.
    [Google Scholar]
  4. Bucher, T. (2012), ‘Want to be on the top? Algorithmic power and the threat of invisibility on Facebook’, New Media & Society, 14:7, pp. 116480.
    [Google Scholar]
  5. Flyverbom, M., Leonard, P. M., Stohl, C. and Stohl, M. (2016), ‘The Management of Visibilities in the Digital Age’, International Journal of Communication, 10, pp. 98109.
    [Google Scholar]
  6. Flyverbom, M., Leonardi, P., Stohl, C. and Stohl, M. (2017), ‘The management of visibilities in the digital age: Introduction’, CBS Research Portal, 31 October, https://research.cbs.dk/en/publications/the-management-of-visibilities-in-the-digital-age-introduction. Accessed 21 January 2025.
    [Google Scholar]
  7. Gagliardone, I. and Pohjonen, M. (2016), ‘Engaging in polarized society: Social media and political discourse in Ethiopia’, in B. Mutsvairo (ed.), Digital Activism in the Social Media Era, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/320064709_Digital_Activism_in_the_Social_Media_Era_Critical_Reflections_on_Emerging_Trends_in_Sub-Saharan_Africa. Accessed 21 January 2025.
    [Google Scholar]
  8. ITU Publications (2021), ‘Digital trends in Africa 2021’, 21 December, https://www.itu.int/hub/publication/d-ind-dig_trends_afr-01-2021/. Accessed 21 January 2025.
  9. Kemp, S. (2024), ‘Digital 2024: Ethiopia – DataReportal – global digital insights’, DataReportal, 23 February, https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2024-ethiopia. Accessed 22 September 2024.
  10. Leonardi, P. M. (2014), ‘Social media, knowledge sharing, and innovation: Toward a theory of communication visibility’, Information Systems Research, 25:4, pp. 796816.
    [Google Scholar]
  11. Oz, M. (2016), ‘Mainstream media’s coverage of the Gezi protests and protesters’ perception of mainstream media’, Global Media and Communication, 12:2, pp. 17792.
    [Google Scholar]
  12. Pariser, E. (2011), The Filter Bubble: How the New Personalized Web Is Changing What We Read and How We Think, London: Penguin Books.
    [Google Scholar]
  13. Schemm, P. (2016), ‘In Ethiopia’s war against social media, the truth is the main casualty’, The Washington Post, 14 October, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/10/14/in-ethiopias-war-against-social-media-the-truth-is-the-main-casualty/?utm_term=.35d10b28ea1f. Accessed 22 September 2024.
    [Google Scholar]
  14. Thompson, J. B. (2005), ‘The new visibility’, Theory, Culture & Society, 22:6, pp. 3151, https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276405059413.
    [Google Scholar]
  15. Treem, J. W. and Leonardi, P. M. (2013), ‘Social media use in organizations: Exploring the affordances of visibility, editability, persistence, and association’, Annals of the International Communication Association, 36:1, pp. 14389.
    [Google Scholar]
  16. Treem, J. W., Leonardi, P. M. and van den Hooff, B. (2020), ‘Computer-mediated communication in the age of communication visibility’, Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 25:1, pp. 4459.
    [Google Scholar]
  17. Van Dijk, J. A. and Hacker, K. L. (2018), ‘Making sense of China and digital democracy’, in Internet and Democracy in the Network Society, London: Routledge Studies in Global Information, Politics and Society, pp. 15073.
    [Google Scholar]
  18. Abbink, J. and Hagmann, T. (2013), Reconfiguring Ethiopia: The Politics of Authoritarian Reform, New York: Routledge.
    [Google Scholar]
  19. Alexander, L. (2002), ‘Looking out for the watchdogs: A legislative proposal limiting the newsgathering privilege to journalists in the greatest need of protection for sources and information’, Yale Law & Policy Review, 20:1, pp. 97136.
    [Google Scholar]
  20. Bala, K. (2014), ‘Social media and changing communication patterns’, Global Media Journal: Indian Edition, 5:1, pp. 16.
    [Google Scholar]
  21. Djankov, S., McLeish, C., Nenova, T. and Shleifer, A. (2001), ‘Who owns the media? Harvard Institute of Economic Research Paper No. 1919; World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 2620’, working paper, Cambridge, MA: Harvard Institute of Economic Research, https://www.papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=267386&rec=1&srcabs=491282.2003&alg=7&pos=1. Accessed 22 September 2024.
    [Google Scholar]
  22. Gitlin, T. (1980), The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  23. Groshek, J. and Christensen, B. (2017), ‘Emerging media and press freedoms as determinants of nonviolent and violent political conflicts, 1990–2006’, International Communication Gazette, 79:4, pp. 33556, https://doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682139.
    [Google Scholar]
  24. Hacker, K. L. and van Dijk, J. (eds) (2000), Digital Democracy: Issues of Theory and Practice, London: Sage Publications, https://doi.org/10.4135/978144621889.
    [Google Scholar]
  25. Iyengar, S. (1991), Is Anyone Responsible? How Television Frames Political Issues, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  26. Kalyango, Y. and Vultee, F. (2012), ‘Public attitudes toward media control and incitement of conflicts in Eastern Africa’, Media, War & Conflict, 5:2, pp. 11937.
    [Google Scholar]
  27. Kiwanuka-Tondo, J., Albada, K. and Payton, F. (2012), ‘Media ownership and news framing: An analysis of HIV/AIDS coverage by Ugandan Press’, African Journal of AIDS Research, 11:4, pp. 36171.
    [Google Scholar]
  28. McCombs, M. E., Lucig, D. and Wanta, W. (1995), ‘Issues in the news and the public agenda: The agenda-setting tradition’, in T. L. Glasser and C. T. Salmon (eds), Public Opinion and the Communication of Consent, New York: Guilford Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  29. McLeod, D. M. (2007), ‘News coverage and social protest: How the media’s protect paradigm exacerbates social conflict’, Journal of Dispute Resolution, pp. 36171.
    [Google Scholar]
  30. McLeod, J. M., Kosicki, G. M. and McLeod, D. M. (1994), ‘The expanding boundaries of political communication effects’, in J. Bryant and D. Zillmann (eds), Media Effects, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, pp. 12362.
    [Google Scholar]
  31. Moehler, D. and Singh, N. (2011), ‘Whose news do you trust? Explaining trust in private versus public media in Africa’, Political Research Quarterly, 64:2, pp. 27692.
    [Google Scholar]
  32. Montalvo, J. G. and Marta, R.-Q. (2005), ‘Ethnic polarization, potential conflict, and civil wars’, American Economic Review, 95:3, pp. 796816.
    [Google Scholar]
  33. Mosime, S. T. and Mhlanga, B. (2016), ‘Historical entanglements, conflicting agendas and visions: Radio Botswana and the making of a National Radio Station’, Journal of African Media Studies, 8:1, pp. 5573.
    [Google Scholar]
  34. Naficy, H. (1999), Home, Exile, Homeland: Film, Media, and the Politics of Place, New York: Routledge.
    [Google Scholar]
  35. National Legislative Bodies/National Authorities (2008), ‘Ethiopia: Proclamation No. 590/2008 2008, freedom of the mass media and access to information’, 4 December, http://www.refworld.org/docid/4ba7a6bf2.html. Accessed 1 November 2019.
  36. Neuman, W. R., Just, M. R. and Crigler, A. N. (1992), Common Knowledge, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  37. Norris, P. (1995), ‘The restless searchlight: Network news framing of the post-cold war world’, Political Communication, 12:4, pp. 35770.
    [Google Scholar]
  38. Price, V., Tewksbury, D. and Powers, E. (1997), ‘Switching trains of thought: The impact of news frames on readers’ cognitive responses’, Communication Research, 24:5, pp. 481506.
    [Google Scholar]
  39. Rice, C. and Somerville, I. (2017), ‘Political contest and oppositional voices in post-conflict democracy’, The International Journal of Press/Politics, 22:1, pp. 92110.
    [Google Scholar]
  40. Shoemaker, J. P. and Reese, D. S. (1991), Mediating the Message: Theories of Influence on Mass Media Content, New York: Longman.
    [Google Scholar]
  41. Spiro, S. E. and Yuchtman-Yaar, E. (eds), Evaluating the Welfare State: Social and Political Perspectives, New York: Academic Press, pp. 397415.
    [Google Scholar]
  42. Tuchman, G. (1978), Making News, New York: Free Press.
    [Google Scholar]
  43. UN News (2016), ‘Ethiopian leader at UN Assembly decries use of social media to spread messages of hate and bigotry’, 22 September, https://www.news.un.org/en/story/2016/09/. Accessed 22 September 2019.
/content/journals/10.1386/gdm_00045_1
Loading
/content/journals/10.1386/gdm_00045_1
Loading

Data & Media loading...

This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was a success
Invalid data
An error occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error
Please enter a valid_number test