Populism and social media in the Iberian Peninsula: The use of Twitter by VOX (Spain) and Chega (Portugal) in election campaigning | Intellect Skip to content
1981
Volume 35, Issue 2
  • ISSN: 1364-971X
  • E-ISSN: 1758-9150

Abstract

This article inquiries about the use of Twitter by the two radical right-wing populist Iberian parties, the Spanish VOX and the Portuguese Chega, during election campaigning. Using quantitative and qualitative methodologies, it analyses the tweets posted on their official accounts during the campaign running up to the last general elections held in Spain and Portugal. The results indicate diverging uses of Twitter and differences in their thematic political agendas. VOX chiefly exploits people’s feelings of national unity in the face of Spain’s peripheral nationalism and stirs up fear of illegal immigration. Chega cultivates a sense of insecurity to legitimize its punitive legalistic proposals, such as applying the life sentence and the chemical castration of paedophiles. VOX more frequently employs colloquial and aggressive language. These differences reflect the asymmetric positions of power occupied by the two parties but do not jeopardize the development of an Iberian-inspired radical-right populism.

Resumen

Este artículo analiza la utilización de Twitter por los dos partidos ibéricos de derecha radical: VOX (España) y Chega (Portugal) en periodo de campaña electoral. La investigación, desde una metodología cuantitativa y cualitativa, incluye los tuits publicados en sus perfiles oficiales durante las últimas elecciones legislativas de Portugal y España. Los resultados indican usos muy diferenciados de Twitter e divergencias con respecto a la temática de sus agendas políticas. VOX explota los sentimientos de unidad nacional frente al nacionalismo periférico y agita el miedo a la inmigración ilegal. Chega construye la sensación de inseguridad para legitimar sus propuestas legalistas punitivas, como la aplicación de la cadena perpetua y la castración química de pedófilos. El lenguaje coloquial y agresivo está más presente en la comunicación de VOX. Estas diferencias traducen la asimetría de las posiciones con respecto al poder ocupado por los dos partidos y no comprometen el proyecto de un populismo de derecha radical de inspiración ibérica.

Funding
This study was supported by the:
  • European Regional Development Fund (Award 2018/11744)
  • Portuguese Science Foundation (FCT) (Award PTDC/COM-JOR/28144/2017)
Loading

Article metrics loading...

/content/journals/10.1386/ijis_00072_1
2022-06-01
2024-04-25
Loading full text...

Full text loading...

References

  1. Afonso, A.. ( 2021;), ‘ Correlates of aggregate support for the radical right in Portugal. ’, Research and Politics, 8:3, https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680211029416. Accessed 12 November 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  2. Alston, P.. ( 2017;), ‘ The populist challenge to human rights. ’, Journal of Human Rights Practice, 9:1, pp. 115, https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/hux007. Accessed 12 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  3. Anon. ( 2019a;), ‘ Abascal advierte de que hay un “golpe de estado vivo” en Cataluña y anuncia que recurrirán la sentencia. ’, ABC , 15 October, https://www.abc.es/espana/abci-abascal-advierte-golpe-estado-vivo-cataluna-y-anuncia-recurriran-sentencia-201910141403_noticia.html. Accessed 12 November 2020.
  4. Anon. ( 2019b;), ‘ Ortega Smith denuncia que las instituciones no están a la altura de las circunstancias. ’, La Razón, 3 November, https://www.larazon.es/local/castilla-y-leon/ortega-smith-denuncia-que-las-instituciones-no-estan-a-la-altura-de-las-circunstancias-LB25534960/. Accessed 15 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  5. Anon. ( 2019c;), ‘ Ortega Smith: Hay miles de denuncias falsas archivadas. ’, Mediterráneo Digital , 8 November, https://www.mediterraneodigital.com/feminismo/feminazis-1/ortega-smith-violencia-genero. Accessed 9 October 2020.
  6. Backlund, A., and Jungar, A. C.. ( 2019;), ‘ Populist radical right party-voter policy representation in Western Europe. ’, Representation, 55:4, pp. 393413, https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1674911. Accessed 15 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  7. Bennett, S.. ( 2019;), ‘ Standing up for “real people”: UKIP, the Brexit, and discursive strategies on Twitter. ’, in J. Zienkowski, and R. Breeze. (eds), Imaging the Peoples of Europe: Populist Discourses across the Political Spectrum, Amsterdam:: John Benjamins;, pp. 22956, https://doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.83.10ben. Accessed 15 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  8. Betz, H.-G.. ( 2017;), ‘ Daenerys Targaryen at IKEA: Left-wing populism in Spain. ’, Comparative Politics Newsletter, 26:2, https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-159988. Accessed 15 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  9. Blassnig, S.,, Buchel, F.,, Ernst, N., and Engesser, S.. ( 2018;), ‘ Populism and informal fallacies: An analysis of right-wing populist rhetoric. ’, Argumentation, 33, pp. 10730, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10503-018-9461-2. Accessed 15 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  10. Brown, J.. ( 2020;), ‘ Neoliberalization, de-democratization, and populist responses in Western Europe, the US, and Latin America. ’, Critical Sociology, 46:7&8, pp. 117387, https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920520927456. Accessed 15 October 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  11. Brubaker, R.. ( 2019;), ‘ Populism and nationalism. ’, Nations and Nationalism, 26:1, pp. 4466, https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12522. Accessed 15 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  12. Brubaker, R.. ( 2020;), ‘ Paradoxes of populism during the pandemic. ’, Thesis Eleven, 164:1, pp. 7387, https://doi.org/10.1177/0725513620970804. Accessed 15 October 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  13. Bucy, E. P.,, Foley, J. M.,, Lukito, J.,, Doroshenko, L.,, Shah, D. V.,, Pevehouse, J. C., and Wells, C.. ( 2020;), ‘ Performing populism: Trump’s transgressive debate style and the dynamics of Twitter response. ’, New Media & Society, 22:4, pp. 63458, https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1461444819893984. Accessed 15 October 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  14. Castanho Silva, B., and Proksch, S.. ( 2021;), ‘ Politicians unleashed? Political communication on Twitter and in parliament in Western Europe. ’, Political Science Research and Methods, https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2021.36. Accessed 15 October 2001.
    [Google Scholar]
  15. Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas ( 2017;), ‘ Actitudes hacia la inmigración (X). ’, October, https://www.cis.es/cis/export/sites/default/-Archivos/Marginales/3180_3199/3190/es3190mar.pdf. Accessed 11 September 2020.
  16. Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas ( 2020;), ‘ Barómetro de Enero de 2020. ’, January, http://www.cis.es/cis/export/sites/default/-Archivos/Marginales/3260_3279/3271/es3271mar.pdf. Accessed 11 September 2021.
  17. Cervi, L.. ( 2020;), ‘ Exclusionary populism and Islamophobia: A comparative analysis of Italy and Spain. ’, Religions, 11:10, p. 516, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11100516. Accessed 11 September 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  18. Chang de Almeida, F.. ( 2016;), ‘ A Direira Radical em Portugal: Da revolução dos cravos à era da internet. ’, Estudos Ibero Americanos, 41:1, pp. 98125, http://doi.org/10.15448/1980-864X.2015.1.20463. Accessed 11 September 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  19. Cheung-Blunden, V.. ( 2020;), ‘ Situational insecurity versus entrenched ideologies as the source of right-wing voters’ anti-migrant sentiment on both sides of the Atlantic. ’, Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 50:6, pp. 33750, https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.12663. Accessed 11 September 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  20. Demata, M.,, Conoscenti, M., and Stavrakakis, Y.. ( 2020;), ‘ Riding the populist wave: Metaphors of populism in the Daily Mail and the Guardian. ’, Iperstoria, 15, pp. 835, https://doi.org/10.13136/2281-4582/2020.i15.686. Accessed 11 September 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  21. Devinney, T. M., and Hartwell, C. A.. ( 2020;), ‘ Varieties of populism. ’, Global Strategy Journal, 10:1, pp. 3266, https://doi.org/10.1002/gsj.1373. Accessed 11 September 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  22. Ernst, N.,, Blassnig, S.,, Engesser, S.,, Büchel, F., and Esser, F.. ( 2019;), ‘ Populists prefer social media over talk shows: An analysis of populist messages and stylistic elements across six countries. ’, Social Media + Society, https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118823358. Accessed 11 September 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  23. Eurostat ( 2020;), ‘ The population on 1 January by age group, sex, and citizenship. ’, https://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/submitViewTableAction.do. Accessed 20 November 2021.
  24. Fernandes, T.. ( 2015;), ‘ Rethinking pathways to democracy: Civil society in Portugal and Spain, 1960s–2000s. ’, Democratization, 22:6, pp. 1074104, https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.901966. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  25. Ferreira, C.. ( 2019;), ‘ Vox como representante de la derecha radical en España: Un estudio sobre su ideología. ’, Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 51, pp. 7398, https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.51.03. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  26. Fishman, R. M.. ( 2011;), ‘ Democratic practice after the revolution: The case of Portugal and beyond. ’, Politics and Society, 39:2, pp. 23367, https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329211405439. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  27. Gallego, F.. ( 2017;), ‘ El Frente Nacional francés: De la reagrupación de la extrema derecha a la alternativa nacional-populista (1972–2014). ’, Tiempo Devorado. Revista de Historia Actual, 4:1, pp. 538.
    [Google Scholar]
  28. Gómez-Reino, M., and Plaza-Colodro, C.. ( 2018;), ‘ Populist Euroscepticism in Iberian party systems. ’, Argumentation, 38:3, pp. 34460, https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395718762667. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  29. Gould, R.. ( 2019;), ‘ Vox España and alternative für Deutschland: Propagating the crisis of national identity. ’, Genealogy, 3:4, p. 64, https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040064. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  30. Hameleers, M.,, Bos, L., and de Vreese, C. H.. ( 2016;), ‘ They did it: The effects of emotionalized blame attribution in populist communication. ’, Communication Research, 44:6, pp. 870900, https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650216644026. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  31. Hameleers, M.,, Bos, L., and de Vreese, C. H.. ( 2017;), ‘ The appeal of media populism: The media preferences of citizens with populist attitudes. ’, Mass Communication and Society, 20:4, pp. 481504, https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2017.1291817. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  32. Hannerz, U.. ( 2006;), ‘ Two faces of cosmopolitanism: Culture and politics. ’, master’s thesis, Documentos Cidob, 7, Barcelona:: CIDOB edicions;.
    [Google Scholar]
  33. Hansen, M. A., and Clemens, J. L.. ( 2019;), ‘ What to expect when you’re electing: The relationship between far-right strength and citizenship policy in Europe. ’, Comparative European Politics, 17:5, pp. 67395, https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-018-0120-7. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  34. Hutchins, R. D., and Halikiopoulou, D.. ( 2019;), ‘ Enemies of liberty? Nationalism, immigration, and the framing of terrorism in the agenda of the Front National. ’, Nations and Nationalism, 26:1, pp. 6784, https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12555. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  35. Jacobs, K., and Spierings, N.. ( 2019;), ‘ A populist paradise? Examining populists’ Twitter adoption and use. ’, Information, Communication & Society, 22:12, pp. 168196, https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1449883. Accessed 20 November 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  36. Jaramillo, D. G.. ( 2021;), ‘ Constructing the “good Portuguese” and their enemy-others: The discourse of the far-right Chega party on social media. ’, master’s thesis, Lisbon:: Instituto Universitário de Lisboa;, https://repositorio.iscte-iul.pt/bitstream/10071/23317/1/master_daniel_garcia_jaramillo.pdf. Accessed 31 January 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  37. Kitschelt, H.. ( 2007;), ‘ Growth and persistence of the radical right in postindustrial democracies: Advances and challenges in comparative research. ’, West European Politics, 30:5, pp. 1176206, https://doi.org/10.1080/01402380701617563. Accessed 31 January 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  38. Kriesi, H.. ( 2018;), ‘ Revisiting the populist challenge. ’, Politologický Časopis (Czech Journal of Political Science), 25:1, pp. 527.
    [Google Scholar]
  39. Kriesi, H., and Pappas, T. S.. (eds) ( 2015), European Populism in the Shadow of the Great Recession, Colchester:: ECPR;.
    [Google Scholar]
  40. Marchi, R.. ( 2015), Portuguese Far Right: Between Late Authoritarianism and Democracy (1945–2015), London:: Taylor and Francis;.
    [Google Scholar]
  41. Marchi, R.. ( 2020), A Nova Direitas Anti-Sistema, O Caso do Chega, Lisboa:: Edições 70;.
    [Google Scholar]
  42. Mendes, M. S.. ( 2021;), ‘ The rise of Chega and the end of Portuguese exceptionalism. ’, LSE Blog , 21 January, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2021/01/21/the-rise-of-chega-and-the-end-of-portuguese-exceptionalism/. Accessed 31 January 2022.
  43. Mendes, M. S., and Dennison, J.. ( 2021;), ‘ Explaining the emergence of the radical right in Spain and Portugal: Salience, stigma, and supply. ’, West European Politics, 44:4, pp. 75275, https://doir.org/10.1080/01402382.2020.1777504. Accessed 31 January 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  44. Ministério da Administração Interna ( 2021;), ‘ Eleições Presidenciais. Resultados Globais. ’, https://www.presidenciais2021.mai.gov.pt/resultados/globais. Accessed 20 October 2021.
  45. Ministério da Administração Interna ( 2022;), ‘ Eleições Legislativas. 30 de Janeiro de 2022. ’, https://www.legislativas2022.mai.gov.pt/resultados/globais. Accessed 15 February 2022.
  46. Mudde, C.. ( 2004;), ‘ The populist zeitgeist. ’, Government and Opposition, 39:4, pp. 54163.
    [Google Scholar]
  47. Mudde, C.. ( 2016;), ‘ Europe’s populist surge: A long time in the making. ’, Council on Foreign Affairs, 95:6, pp. 2530.
    [Google Scholar]
  48. Mudde, C.. ( 2019), The Far Right Today, Cambridge, MA:: Polity Press;.
    [Google Scholar]
  49. Mudde, C., and Rovira Kaltwasser, C.. ( 2017), Populism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford:: Oxford University Press;.
    [Google Scholar]
  50. Norris, P.. ( 2020;), ‘ Measuring populism worldwide. ’, Party Politics, 26:6, pp. 697717, https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068820927686. Accessed 15 February 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  51. Olivas Osuna J. J., and Rama J.. ( 2021;), ‘ COVID-19: A political virus? VOX’s populist discourse in times of crisis. ’, Frontiers in Political Science, 3, https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2021.678526. Accessed 15 February 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  52. Oliver, M.. ( 2020;), ‘ Infrastructure and the post-truth era: Is Trump Twitter’s fault?. ’, Postdigital Science and Education, 2, pp. 1738, https://doi.org/10.1007/s42438-019-00073-8. Accessed 15 February 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  53. Pariser, E.. ( 2011), The Filter Bubble: What the Internet Is Hiding from You, New York:: Penguin;.
    [Google Scholar]
  54. Park, S.,, Strover, S.,, Choi, J., and Schnell, M.. ( 2021;), ‘ Mind games: A temporal sentiment analysis of the political messages of the Internet Research Agency on Facebook and Twitter. ’, New Media & Society, article first , https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211014355. Accessed 18 April 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  55. Partido CHEGA! (@PartidoCHEGA) ( 2019a;), ‘ Primeiro Ministro Português, Dr. António Costa não aceita ser contrariado, bem à imagem dos DITADORES SOCIALISTAS e “faz-se” a um senhor bem mais velho que ele por causa de Pedrógão Grande! É isto que querem para Portugal por mais 4 anos?... Vota CHEGA!!! #CHEGA #PartidoCHEGA. ’, Twitter , 4 October, https://twitter.com/PartidoCHEGA/status/1180172676083658753. Accessed 16 April 2020.
  56. Partido CHEGA! (@PartidoCHEGA) ( 2019b;), ‘ O CHEGA congratula o VOX e apresenta votos de que seja possível encontrar em Espanha uma solução política de estabilidade para os próximos quatro anos, desejavelmente com forças de verdadeira direita! #CHEGA. ’, Twitter , 10 November, https://twitter.com/partidochega/status/1193653350010634248. Accessed 16 April 2020.
  57. Partido CHEGA! (@PartidoCHEGA) ( 2019c;), ‘ Queremos André Ventura na Assembleia da República! CHEGA de corruptos! CHEGA de compadrios! CHEGA de impunidade! #CHEGA #partidoChega. ’, Twitter , 22 September, https://twitter.com/partidochega/status/1175796266443378693?lang=es. Accessed 17 April 2020.
  58. Partido CHEGA! (@PartidoCHEGA) ( 2019d;), ‘ A prepotência e o extremismo do BE, resumidos numa imagem... Não somos contra a imigração, somos um país de imigrantes, mas somos contra parasitas que apenas pretendam viver às custas do nosso trabalho e das nossas famílias. Vota CHEGA!. ’, Twitter , 26 September, https://twitter.com/PartidoCHEGA/status/1177233296620523522. Accessed 18 April 2020.
  59. Partido CHEGA! (@PartidoCHEGA) ( 2019e;), ‘ André Ventura, o “homem sem medo” sonhou um partido contra o sistema, que pudesse voltar a dar esperança aos portugueses... Foi rotulado com muitos adjectivos duros de ouvir para quem o conhece e sabe que é genuíno! Porém, cada vez mais portugueses acreditam que se pode ser.... ’, Twitter , 27 September, https://twitter.com/PartidoCHEGA/status/1177528160390438912. Accessed 18 April 2020.
  60. Pérez-Curiel, C.. ( 2020;), ‘ The trend towards extreme right-wing populism on Twitter: An analysis of the influence on leaders, media and users. ’, Communication & Society, 33:2, pp. 17592, https://doi.org/10.15581/003.33.2.175-192. Accessed 18 April 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  61. Peruzzotti, E.. ( 2017;), ‘ Populism as democratization’s nemesis: The politics of regime hybridization. ’, Chinese Political Science Review, 2:June, pp. 31427, https://doi.org/10.1007/s41111-017-0070-2. Accessed 18 April 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  62. Rama, J.,, Zanotti, L.,, Turnbull-Dugarte, J., and Santana, A.. ( 2021), VOX: The Spanish Populist Radical Right, London:: Routledge;.
    [Google Scholar]
  63. Ramos, R.. ( 2021;), ‘ The COVID-19 crisis as a political opportunity: Santiago Abascal’s use of Twitter during the state of alarm in Spain (March 14–June 20, 2020). ’, Doxa Comunicación, 33, pp. 7598, https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n33a993. Accessed 18 April 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  64. Real Academia Española ( 2022;), ‘ Diccionario de la lengua española. ’, https://dle.rae.es/progre. Accessed 14 June 2022.
  65. Ribera Payá, P., and Díaz Martínez J. I.. ( 2020;), ‘ The end of the Spanish exception: The far right in the Spanish parliament. ’, European Politics and Society, 22:3, pp. 41034, https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2020.1793513. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  66. Rinken, S.. ( 2019;), ‘ Actitudes ante la inmigración y comportamiento electoral. ’, in J. Arango,, R. Mahía,, D. Moya, and E. Sánchez-Montijano. (eds), Inmigración, elecciones y comportamiento político. Anuario CIDOB de la inmigración 2019, Barcelona:: CIDOB;, pp. 6881, https://doi.org/10.24241/AnuarioCIDOBInmi.2019.68. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  67. Rivas de la Roca, R.,, García-Gordillo, M., and Bezunartea-Valencia, O.. ( 2020;), ‘ The far-right’s influence on Twitter during the 2018 Andalusian elections: An approach through political leaders. ’, Communication & Society, 33:2, pp. 22742, https://doi.org/10.15581/003.33.2.227-242. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  68. Rode, M., and Revuelta, J.. ( 2015;), ‘ The wild bunch! An empirical note on populism and economic institutions. ’, Economics of Governance, 16, December, pp. 7396, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-014-0154-5. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  69. Rodríguez, J. L.. ( 2006;), ‘ De la vieja a la nueva extrema derecha (pasando por la fascinación por el fascismo). ’, Historia Actual Online, 9, pp. 8799.
    [Google Scholar]
  70. Rooduijn, M.,, Van Kessel, S.,, Froio, C.,, Pirro, A.,, De Lange, S.,, Halikiopoulou, D.,, Lewis, P.,, Mudde, C., and Taggart, P.. ( 2019;), ‘ The PopuList: An overview of populist, far right, far left and eurosceptic parties in Europe. ’, The PopuList , http://www.popu-list.org. Accessed 15 September 2021.
  71. Sampietro, A., and Sánchez-Castillo, S.. ( 2020;), ‘ La promoción de la imagen política en Instagram: Un estudio del perfil personal de Santiago Abascal (Vox) en 2018. ’, Communication & Society, 33:1, pp. 16984, https://doi.org/10.15581/003.33.1.169-184. Accessed 15 September 2021.
    [Google Scholar]
  72. Sosa, M.. ( 2019;), ‘ La “España vaciada” clama por una gran alianza contra la despoblación. ’, El País, 31 March, https://elpais.com/sociedad/2019/03/31/actualidad/1554022545_649884.html. Accessed 9 October 2020.
    [Google Scholar]
  73. Turnbull-Dugarte, S. J.. ( 2019;), ‘ Explaining the end of Spanish exceptionalism and electoral support for Vox. ’, Research and Politics, 6:4, https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168019851680. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  74. Turnbull-Dugarte, S. J.,, Rama, J., and Santana, A.. ( 2020;), ‘ The Baskerville’s dog suddenly started barking: Voting for VOX in the 2019 Spanish general elections. ’, Political Research Exchange, 2:1, https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1781543. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  75. Valdivia, P.. ( 2019;), ‘ Narrating crises and populism in Southern Europe: Regimes of metaphor. ’, Journal of European Studies, 49:3&4, pp. 282301, https://doi.org/10.1177/0047244119865083. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  76. Vampa, D.. ( 2020;), ‘ Competing forms of populism and territorial politics: The cases of Vox and Podemos in Spain. ’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 28:3, pp. 30421, https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2020.1727866. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  77. Van Aelst, P.,, Strömbäck, J.,, Aalberg, T.,, Esser, F.,, de Vreese, C.,, Matthes, J.,, Hopmann, D.,, Salgado, S.,, Hubé, N.,, Stepinska, A.,, Papathanassopoulos, S.,, Berganza, R.,, Legnante, G.,, Reinemann, C.,, Sheafer, T., and Stanyer, J.. ( 2017;), ‘ Political communication in a high-choice media environment: A challenge for democracy?. ’, Annals of the International Communication Association, 41:1, pp. 327, https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2017.1288551. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  78. Van Kessel, S., and Castelein, R.. ( 2016;), ‘ Shifting the blame: Populist politicians’ use of Twitter as a tool of opposition. ’, Journal of Contemporary European Research, 12:2, pp. 594614.
    [Google Scholar]
  79. Vergeer, M., and Hermans, L.. ( 2013;), ‘ Campaigning on Twitter: Microblogging and online social networking as campaign tools in the 2010 general elections in the Netherlands. ’, Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 18:4, pp. 399419, https://doi.org/10.1111/jcc4.12023. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  80. Vox (@Vox_es) ( 2019a;), ‘ Nada como cerrar la campaña con un buen zasca a un progre . ’, Twitter , 8 November, https://twitter.com/vox_es/status/1192797963388628992. Accessed 13 April 2020.
  81. Vox (@Vox_es) ( 2019b;), ‘ @Santi_ABASCAL pulveriza a Pablo Iglesias “No me va a dar lecciones de democracia ni de defensa del orden constitucional. Yo me jugaba la vida amenazado por ETA en el País Vasco mientras usted presumía de que ETA tenía perspicacia política”. #ElDebate4N #DebateElectoral. ’, Twitter , 4 November, https://twitter.com/vox_es/status/1191495945244086274. Accessed 13 April 2020.
  82. Vox (@Vox_es) ( 2019c;), ‘ Aviso a separatistas, golpistas y terroristas: abandonen toda esperanza porque no lograrán sus objetivos políticos o criminales. No saben cuántos españoles se pondrán en pie cuando vean amenazada su patria RT Difunde #VotaVOX #EspañaSiempre. ’, Twitter , 1 November, https://twitter.com/vox_es/status/1190264168328380416. Accessed 12 April 2020.
  83. Vox (@Vox_es) ( 2019d;), ‘ Megazasca de @Ortega_Smith a Aitor Esteban del PNV en @SextaNocheTV. “Preocúpese de verdad porque como podamos os ilegalizamos”. #L6Nsúperdebate. ’, Twitter , 2 November, https://twitter.com/vox_es/status/1190765205413941249. Accessed 14 April 2020.
  84. Vox (@Vox_es) ( 2019e;), ‘ @Santi_ABASCAL responde a las manipulaciones del botones de Macron. #ElDebate4N #DebateElectoral. ’, Twitter , 4 November, https://twitter.com/vox_es/status/1191504576031186944. Accessed 13 April 2020.
  85. Vox (@Vox_es) ( 2019f;), ‘ @ivanedlm propone la cadena perpetua para los delitos más graves, frenar la inmigración masiva y solucionar el problema de inseguridad en nuestras calles a causa de los menas. #Debatea7RTVE. ’, Twitter , 1 November, https://mobile.twitter.com/vox_es/status/1190396421104701441. Accessed 15 April 2020.
  86. Waisbord, S.. ( 2018a;), ‘ Why populism is troubling for democratic communication. ’, Communication Culture & Critique, 11:1, pp. 2134, https://doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcx005. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  87. Waisbord, S.. ( 2018b;), ‘ The elective affinity between post-truth communication and populist politics. ’, Communication Research and Practice, 4:1, pp. 1734, https://doi.org/10.1080/22041451.2018.1428928. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  88. Waisbord, S., and Amado, A.. ( 2017;), ‘ Populist communication by digital means: Presidential Twitter in Latin America. ’, Information, Communication & Society, 20:9, pp. 133046, https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2017.1328521. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  89. Wodak, R.. ( 2015), The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean, London:: Sage;, https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446270073. Accessed 14 June 2022.
    [Google Scholar]
  90. Ramos Antón, Rubén, and Baptista, Carla. ( 2022;), ‘ Populism and social media in the Iberian Peninsula: The use of Twitter by VOX (Spain) and Chega (Portugal) in election campaigning. ’, International Journal of Iberian Studies, 35:2, pp. 12553, https://doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00072_1
    [Google Scholar]
http://instance.metastore.ingenta.com/content/journals/10.1386/ijis_00072_1
Loading
/content/journals/10.1386/ijis_00072_1
Loading

Data & Media loading...

This is a required field
Please enter a valid email address
Approval was a success
Invalid data
An error occurred
Approval was partially successful, following selected items could not be processed due to error