Citizenship Teaching & Learning - Volume 6, Issue 1, 2010

This article reviews research conducted in different regions of the world and international and comparative studies. It raises issues for consideration by researchers, such as the importance of culture in understanding civic meanings. It concludes with a proposed agenda for needed future research.

The national assessment programme in civics and citizenship (NAP-CC), conducted in Australia in 2004 and 2007, collected achievement data on the knowledge and understandings – of both cognition and dispositional orientation – of year 6 and year 10 students. The test instruments for both cycles broke new ground, especially in relation to the testing of student disposition to civics and citizenship participation and engagement, and enabled students to give creative and focussed responses to a range of citizenship concepts.

The 'civics and citizenship literacy achievement scales' for both cycles indicate student achievement is variable, and generally low level. The 'student background survey' in the second cycle sought data and information about variables with explanatory power as to the demonstrated levels of achievement. Analyses of student background and school programme data identified factors that appear to have a significant effect on achievement.

The article describes contextual developments which influenced the assessments, provides an analysis of the achievement and background data and reflects on what the reported findings, especially from the second cycle, have revealed about students and their civics and citizenship learning experiences in Australian schools.

We discuss some implications for citizenship education, based on a survey of young people in four European countries in which they were asked how they think they will act politically when they are adult. The empirical sections of the article are based on a survey of 2,400 students aged between 11–17 in 2008–2009 in Poland, Spain, Turkey and England. This study is discussed within the broader context of a widespread concern about a so-called 'democratic deficit', and in particular about the political apathy of youth. We suggest that young people appear to intend to act in very similar ways as adults do. We raise questions about expectations of political activity, especially concerning particular kinds of political behaviour, about young people's own intentions, and about what might be an appropriate educational response to these intentions.

For much of Canada's history, diversity has been a defining characteristic of the country and has preoccupied and bedevilled policymakers. Policy and practice in Canada has moved from attempts to assimilate minority groups to fostering respect and appreciation for diversity. We argue, however, that attention to diversity education remains superficial and limited. In this article we provide an overview of policy and practice in education about and for diversity in Canada, make connections between that and policy and practice in citizenship education. We also review findings from research in the area, and lay out possible directions for moving the field forward. Like other democracies Canada has struggled to balance recognition and respect for diversity with concerns about social cohesion and we believe Canada's unique experience in this area can provide valuable insights to researchers and practitioners in other jurisdictions.

Despite adjustments to Hong Kong's citizenship education since the 1990s transition period to Chinese sovereignty, survey research and public opinion suggest that citizenship education, as currently practised in Hong Kong, shows considerable continuity with the pre-1997 period and is not achieving intended results in areas such as the development of national identity and active citizenship among students. This article aims to contribute to explanations for such ineffectiveness and to determine whether there are more effective government policy measures which could improve the provision of citizenship education. Specifically, the article explores the question of whether the Hong Kong government should mandate a compulsory, independent subject of citizenship education at the secondary school level. Based on interviews with sixteen education leaders from government bodies, education concern and advocacy groups, teachers' unions, citizenship education-related teachers' associations, student associations, political parties, and academia, it addresses more specific questions about the intended outcomes of citizenship education, the role of government in attempting to achieve those outcomes, the strengths and weaknesses of current citizenship education practice, suggested methods for improving upon ineffective practices, and the possibility of (and obstacles to) mandating an independent citizenship education subject. The article concludes that while making citizenship education compulsory would address many concerns about its current ineffectiveness, the independent subject approach would not necessarily help to achieve improved outcomes and would raise other substantial concerns from the education community and society at large.

Used to express the international aspirations of Universities Scotland, the idea of the good global neighbour is reflected in the 2005 'Cooperation Agreement' between Scotland and Malawi and represents a challenging metaphor for global citizenship. We develop a critical but sympathetic account of the idea of the good global neighbour and its uptake in Scotland. The notion of the global neighbour is identified as a form of qualified moral partiality, appropriate to the shifting understandings of geographical borders occasioned by globalization. In this article, we highlight that this qualified partiality is reflected in Scottish policy, and its historical basis is also described. Finally, in considering a potential postcolonial criticism of this deployment of the idea of the good global neighbour, we reflect on implications for higher education policy in Scotland and its implicit assumptions about global citizenship.