Portuguese Journal of Social Science - Volume 17, Issue 2, 2018

The panel ‘Transatlantic changes within economic crisis and global conflicts’ was presented in the international relations topic area at the CEISAL Congress in Salamanca in 2016. From this panel, we decided to select the presentations that represented a broader perspective of Atlantic relations, covering international relations, economics and literature. This selection gave origin to this special issue to rethink the exchanges during our debate. The articles included embody an approach to contemporary challenges in this area of the world, contributing to the emerging literature on transatlantic relations. We intend to contribute to an interdisciplinary perception of transatlantic relations, and by focusing on relations between Latin America and the other side of the Atlantic, including Europe and the Middle East, we will move the traditional standpoint based on US/Europe relations.

The dictatorships of South America motivated many writers to go overseas in the 1970s. Repression, persecution and the disappearance of intellectuals in Argentina created a need to look towards displacement and exile as alternatives to survive and escape from the atrocities committed by the regime that took power following the 1976 military coup. Some women writers found refuge in this new literary space: a place that allowed them to face the dilemma of ‘living in-between’ and at the same time to locate a part of the historical memory of Argentina. This article focuses on the works of Clara Obligado, Ana Becciu, Reina Roffé, Juana Bignozzi and Noni Benegas: transatlantic writers who fled to and installed themselves in Spain during this time of transition. This article studies the ‘writing of the double place’, the narrative of absence and memory of a place of origin. It also analyses the representation of Spain as a host site in their works and as a means of finding their voices, reflecting and conversing with their double existential situation of being ‘in-between’ spaces.

To overcome the global crisis, Portugal sought to internationalize its economy. Latin America, a region that grew steadily for a decade, has become a region of interest for the Iberian country. This article analyses the changes to the diplomatic and commercial schemes between both regions and explains how, when, by whom and through which strategies these relations have been modified. While Brazil continues to be the privileged partner, Portugal is strengthening its relationship with new strategic countries, primarily the components of the Pacific Alliance. As a result, the historical negative balance of trade became positive in 2012. The data show greater dynamism in commercial exchanges and political relations in recent years and the incorporation of new political actors designed to stimulate and deepen bilateral relations. Although several authors point to Portugal as a state that promotes economic diplomacy, this article suggests that what has prevailed in strengthening relations with Latin America is a commercial and business diplomacy, leaning heavily on key political actors and ‘anchor’ companies installed in the new markets. The ideological affinity of governments appears to be a determining factor in extending political and commercial ties. As other works have shown, this case study proves a positive correlation between trade/investment state agencies and diplomatic activities and the increase in bilateral trade flows.

The general theme permeating this work is related to development policies undertaken by the Brazilian government during the New State (1937–45) and the way in which they were articulated within the international scene, specifically with countries such as Germany and the United States. The link made with the Cyrilla Beverage Company of Santa Maria helps us understand that part of the negotiations for the establishment of multinational beverage companies were being made internationally, in view of the ‘crash’ of 1942, at the height of the Second World War. The authors have employed a literature analysis of works dealing with this subject, especially those on the Brazilian crash and development policies. Documents involving Cyrilla during that period were consulted and included in this work, which is part of the research being developed as part of the doctoral course in history at the Federal University of Santa Maria, Brazil.

The Chávez–Ahmadinejad era (2005–13) was marked by a growing rapprochement between Venezuela and Iran not only based on common oil interests but also at the cultural, diplomatic and military level. The objective of this article is to analyse the impact of this counter-hegemonic alignment in the international scene in light of the theory of peripheral realism. First, we briefly outline how the relationship was built during the Chávez and Ahmadinejad presidencies underpinned by a shared ideological anti-Americanism. Second, we define the concept of peripheral realism to examine the impact of the Venezuela–Iran partnership in the context of three international institutions: ALBA, OPEC and the UN Security Council. To conclude, we interpret the Iran–Venezuela axis from a peripheral-realist perspective and reflect upon the sustainability of this alliance in the aftermath of Chávez’s death and a change of leadership in both Venezuela and Iran.

This article analyses the European strategy of partnership towards Latin American and Caribbean countries during the twenty-first century. The author singles out the main stages (cycles) of the negotiation processes between the two regions and gives an assessment of the trade and economic relations and priorities existing on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Also examined are the possible risks and consequences for Latin American and Caribbean countries in the event of profound transatlantic cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the United States.

After neglecting Latin America for over a decade, Russia has recently displayed pronounced interest in expanding its presence in the region. This article aims to examine Russia’s contemporary foreign policy towards Latin America and to define whether Moscow’s new strategy is a continuation of the former Soviet presence in the region or whether Russia has introduced some new elements. After identifying the motives behind Moscow’s renewed interest, the authors analyse the issue with a focus on diplomatic, economic and military activities. The article concludes that despite the tangible progress, there are still many limitations, including conceptual ones. Moreover, Moscow faces keen political and economic competition in the region, from actors old – such as the United States – and new – such as China.

In its annual report, Freedom House stresses how ‘[...] after years of major gains, the share of free countries has declined over the past decade, while the share of not free countries has risen’. In this depiction of the profound crisis of mainstream political parties, Portugal is a clear exception: unlike in Spain with Podemos, Italy with the Movimento 5 Stelle and Greece with Syriza, new anti-system parties did not find the political spaces in which to operate. However, we need to understand whether the absence of such parties in parliament corresponds with a matching absence in public opinion of support for forms of disfigured democracy and underlying factors. This article is based on quantitative methods and multilevel analysis. Findings indicate that in Portugal the normative view of democracy is consistent on many levels with that of Europeans in general: unanimous support for democracy (90%), alongside backing for different forms of democracy – direct democracy (80%), partial democracy (50%, plebiscitary and technocratic) and authoritarian rule (18%). Nevertheless, we can still detect differences in the underlying factors on the level of illegitimacy and cognitive and political mobilization.